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Showing posts with label Indian Defence Forum - Defence & Strategic Issues. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Indian Defence Forum - Defence & Strategic Issues. Show all posts

Wednesday 18 February 2015

Kalyani Group signs JV with Rafael

India’s Kalyani Group on Thursday announced a joint venture with Israel’s Rafael Advanced Defence Systems Israel to develop and manufacture a wide range of technology and systems. The products envisaged under the JV include missile technology, remote weapons systems, and advanced armour solutions. Kalyani Group will hold a 51% stake, with the rest being held by Rafael However, neither side disclosed the size of investment in the JV. Kalyani Group chairman and managing director Baba Kalyani only said the investment would be “substantial”. "For the past over one year we were in talks with Rafael to explore a joint venture opportunity. Now, we have entered into an agreement with them. It is absolutely essential for us to have a tie up with a foreign partner as they bring technology and expertise on production." he said. "This is the first major joint venture to be formed after the government hiked FDI in the defence to 49%," he added. He said Rafael will also help the joint venture in recruiting skilled workers as it is a biggest challenge the Indian companies are facing in the event of increased focus on manufacturing products for the armed forces. To begin with, the JV will explore orders from the Indian defence forces, and may look at exports at a later stage. On the product side, the integration of missile systems will be done by Bharat Dynamics Ltd, a listed defence company based in Hyderabad. “We are looking at land near Hyderabad to set up a manufacturing facility and we wish to put in place a new factory within a year,” he told Business Standard.





Read more:

Kalyani Group signs JV with Rafael to develop missile tech, defence systems | Business Standard News





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Saturday 14 February 2015

Make In India- Israel IAI and Indian Alpha Design Technologies in UAV

IAI, Alpha Design Technologies in UAV deal for India



BEN GURION INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT, Israel, Feb. 13 (UPI) -- The production and marketing in India of mini-unmanned aerial vehicles is to be undertaken by Israel Aerospace Industries and Alpha Design Technologies.



IAI said its agreement with the Indian company covers its Bird-Eye 400 and Bird-Eye 650 systems as well as other UAVs.



"IAI's teaming agreement with Alpha follows India's policy for "Buy and make India," said Shaul Shahar, IAI vice president and general manager of the Military Aircraft Group. "Our unique mini-UAS have proved exceptional operational capabilities. IAI's knowledge in producing the world's most advanced and innovative unmanned aerial systems, with Alpha's know-how and access to users will create a strong, fruitful partnership for the benefit of India's defense and security organizations."



The Bird-Eye 400 is a man-portable, rapid-launch system. It is electric powered and carries a high-resolution video camera for day and night surveillance images. The 650 system is a larger version aircraft.



"The important vision of 'Make in India' is being made fully effective by this joint effort," said Col. H. S. Shankar, chairman and managing director of Alpha Design Technologies. "Alpha will meet the huge market in India and will examine further, later exports by Alpha, through IAI to various countries."



Israeli, Indian company in production, marketing deal for UAVs - UPI.com





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Should Indo-US NUclear deal be put on ice : Amitai Etzioni

The Darker Side of the U.S.-India Nuclear Deal

The recent “breakthrough” is cause more for concern than it is for celebration.




The American media is gushing about improvements to the United States-India relationship in the wake of President Barack Obama’s January visit to India. Among the achievements stemming from the visit is what the media had called a “breakthrough” that paved the way for implementing the two nations’ civilian nuclear cooperation deal. However, examining the reasons why this deal was first struck, its components, and its side effects suggests that it is a cause more for concern than for celebration.



The U.S. long considered India to be the leader of the non-aligned camp and held that it was tilting toward the USSR and, later, toward Russia. India purchased most of its weapons from Russia, and it had a pseudo-socialist economic regime. The U.S. tilted toward Pakistan throughout the Cold War and in the years that followed. However, following the rise of China, the George W. Bush administration decided to lure India into the West’s camp and draw on it to help contain China. Bush therefore offered India civil nuclear technology and access to uranium, the fuel it needed for nuclear power reactors. The Indian government agreed to sign a 123 Agreement (or the U.S.-India Civil Nuclear Agreement), but the deal ran into considerable opposition within India. Hence the resulting impasse, which Obama has now helped resolve.



A variety of considerations drove Indian opposition to the deal, including concerns about liability, threats to Indian sovereignty, and the prospect of Washington enjoying heightened leverage over New Delhi. Critics in the West correctly raised other concerns. First, the deal violated the spirit if not the letter of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). The NPT has successfully discouraged several nations that had considered developing nuclear weapons and has even led a few of them to cancel programs that were already underway. This success was achieved in part through a twofold promise: that those nations that possess nuclear weapons will gradually give them up, and that these same nations will refuse to share nuclear technology and fuel with countries that refuse to sign the NPT. Two nations, India and Pakistan (and, by implication, Israel), openly defied the NPT. Hence the Bush administration’s deal with India was and is viewed as a major blow to the NPT regime.



Even more serious has been the deal’s impact on the nuclear arms race between India and Pakistan. At first glance it may seem that the deal should have had no such impact, because the technology and fuel covered by the deal were meant to be used strictly for civilian purposes, specifically for producing electricity. However, as Charles D. Ferguson, president of the Federation of American Scientists, wrote in Arms Control Today, India was short on uranium. “If the nuclear deal were to fall through, India would be forced to stop running about half of its indigenously fueled reactors or only operate its [nuclear submarine] fleet at approximately 50 percent capacity.” It would also have to choose between shortchanging its civilian energy program and limiting its production of nuclear weapons. By granting India access to uranium, the deal allows India to divert its indigenously-mined uranium to military applications without detracting fuel from the civilian program. To get uranium to India, the U.S. pressured members of the Nuclear Suppliers Group to “[ease] long-standing restrictions on nuclear trade with India.” Since then, Australia has committed to providing India with uranium, and India has also received uranium from France, Russia, and Kazakhstan and struck supply agreements with Mongolia, Argentina and Namibia.



Following the deal, Pakistan ramped up its production of uranium and plutonium and, it seems, its nuclear weapons arsenal. Given that both nations have already come close to nuclear blows – the two countries nearly engaged in a war over Kashmir, which has been described as “one of the tensest nuclear standoffs between India and Pakistan since independence in 1947” – such a nuclear arms race is particularly troubling.



In an ironic development worthy of Broadway, the deal has not aligned India with the U.S. in its drive to contain China. Until the recent election of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, many Indian politicians treated the U.S. with considerable suspicion because they viewed it as Pakistan’s ally and as an imperial power. Modi at first may have seemed to move much closer to the U.S. and to express more concern about Chinese “aggression.” That the joint communiqué issued by the U.S. and India at the end of Obama’s visit included a line about the “importance of safeguarding maritime security and ensuring freedom of navigation and overflight throughout the region, especially in the South China Sea” spurred such commentary, as did Indian participation in some military exercises in the area. However, Modi made it abundantly clear that his first, second and third priorities are advancing India’s economic development. These priorities will benefit from working with both the U.S. and China.



It would be best for everyone involved to put the U.S.-India Civil Nuclear Agreement on ice. The international community would do best if it encouraged and helped India and Pakistan to settle their differences and accede to the NPT – and if no nation provided either of them with new nuclear technology or fuel until they scale back their military nuclear programs. All this will become acceptable once the U.S. realizes that it can accommodate China as a regional power and that any attempts to contain it are at best premature and – at least in India’s case – likely to fail. India is wisely prioritizing economic development over becoming ensnarled in the U.S.-China rivalry.



Amitai Etzioni is a University Professor at The George Washington University and the author of many books, the most recent of which is The New Normal. To read more of his work, follow him on Twitter or Facebook or visit the ICPS website.

The Darker Side of the U.S.-India Nuclear Deal | The Diplomat





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Friday 13 February 2015

K4: Long range underwater launch missile

Since First video of black project K4 missile was finally release by the DRDO, it will be worthwhile to discuss this.









qKFuDAN





credit goes to BR posters for the above find.





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Monday 9 February 2015

Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act 2010 Post Obama Visit

Frequently Asked Questions and Answers on Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act 2010 and related issues



February 08, 2015



Q1. What is the understanding reached with the United States on January 25, 2015 during the visit of President Obama to India?



Ans. India and the United States have reached an understanding on the issues related to civil nuclear liability and finalized the text of the Administrative Arrangement to implement the September 2008 bilateral 123 Agreement. This will allow us to move towards commercial negotiations on setting up reactors with international collaboration in India and realize the significant economic and clean energy potential of the civil nuclear understanding of 2005-2008.



Q2. How was this understanding reached?



Ans. It may be recalled that during PM’s visit to the U.S. in September 2014, the two leaders reaffirmed their commitment to implement fully the India-U.S. civil nuclear cooperation agreement and established a Contact Group on advancing the implementation of civil nuclear energy cooperation. The Group, comprising representatives from Ministry of External Affairs, Department of Atomic Energy, Nuclear Power Corporation of India Ltd (NPCIL), Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Law & Justice, in addition to the representatives from U.S. Government, also had an interface with the companies – NPCIL on the Indian side and Westinghouse and General Electric on the U.S. side. It met three times in New Delhi (16-17 December 2014), Vienna (6-7 January 2015) and London (January 21-22, 2015). Based on these discussions, an understanding was reached with the U.S. on the two outstanding issues on civil nuclear cooperation, which was confirmed by the leaders on January 25, 2015.



Q3. Has India agreed to amend its Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act of 2010 (CLND Act 2010) and the CLND Rules of 2011? If not now, would they be amended in the future?


Ans. There is no proposal to amend the Act or the Rules.



Q4. How have U.S. concerns over the CLND Act then been resolved?



Ans. During the course of the discussions in the Contact Group, using case law and legislative history, the Indian side presented its position concerning the compatibility of the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage (CLND) Act and the Convention on Supplementary Compensation for Nuclear Damage (CSC). The idea of the India Nuclear Insurance Pool as a part of the overall risk-management scheme for liability was also presented to the U.S. side. Based on the presentations by the Indian side, and the discussion thereon, there is a general understanding that India’s CLND law is compatible with the CSC, which India has signed and intends to ratify.



Q5. What is the CSC?



Ans. The objective of the 1997 Convention on Supplementary Compensation for Nuclear Damage (CSC) is to establish a worldwide liability regime and to increase the amount of compensation available to the victims of nuclear accidents. A State which is a party to either the 1963 Vienna Convention or the 1960 Paris Convention could become a party to the CSC. A State which is not a party to either of these conventions could also become a party to the CSC if its national law on nuclear liability is in compliance with the provision of the CSC and its Annex, which is an integral part of the CSC. India not being party to the Vienna or the Paris Conventions signed the CSC on 29 October 2010 on the basis of its national law namely the CLND Act.



Q6. Is India’s CLND Act compatible with the CSC?



Ans. The provisions of the CLND Act are broadly in conformity with the CSC and its Annex in terms of channeling the strict/absolute legal liability to the operator, the limitations of the liability in amount and time, liability cover by insurance or financial security, definitions of nuclear installation, damage, etc. In fact, the CLND Act provides the basis for India joining an appropriate international liability regime such as the CSC. Article XVIII of CSC requires that the national law of a Contracting Party that is not a Party to either the Vienna Convention or the Paris Convention has to comply with the provisions of the Annex to this Convention. The CLND Act is compliant with the Annex to the Convention.



Q7. Does the Act channel the liability to the Operator of a nuclear plant as envisaged under CSC?



Ans. Section 4(1) provides that the Operator of the nuclear installation shall be liable for nuclear damage caused by nuclear incident. Further, Section 4(4) provides that the liability of the Operator of the nuclear installation shall be strict and shall be based on the principle of no fault liability. Section 8(1) provides that the Operator shall before he begins operation of his nuclear installation, take out insurance policy or such further financial security covering his liability. All these provisions along with the long title of the Act are clear and ensure that the liability is strict, and channeled to the Operator through a no fault liability regime.



Q8. What about Section 17 and the right of recourse against the supplier in Section 17(b)? Are they not going beyond the Annex to the Convention?



Ans. Section 17 of the Act provides that the operator of the nuclear installation, after paying the compensation for nuclear damage in accordance with section 6, shall have the right to recourse where-



a. Such right is expressly provided for in a contract in writing;

b. The nuclear incident has resulted as a consequence of an act of supplier or his employee, which includes supply of equipment or material with patent or latent defects or sub-standard services;

c. The nuclear incident has resulted from the act of commission or omission of an individual done with the intent to cause nuclear damage.



Article 10 of the Annex to the CSC covers situations envisaged in Sections 17(a) and 17(c); Section 17 (b) is ostensibly in addition to situations identified for the right of recourse provided in Article 10 of the Annex to the CSC. However, the situations identified in Section 17(b) relate to actions and matters such as product liability stipulations/conditions or service contracts. These are ordinarily part of a contract between the operator and the supplier. This situation is not novel but is rather a normal element of a contract. Thus this provision is to be read along with/in the context of the relevant clause in the contract between the operator and supplier on product liability. It is open for the operator and the supplier to agree on the terms of their contract relying on the applicable law. The parties to a contract generally elaborate and specify the extent of their obligations pursuant to warranty and indemnity clauses that are normally part of such contracts.



Article 10(a) of the CSC Annex does not restrict in any manner the contents of the contract between the operator and the supplier including the basis for recourse agreed by the operator and supplier. Therefore, in view of the above, in so far as the reference to the supplier in Section 17(b) is concerned, it would be in conformity with and not in contradiction of Article 10(a) of the CSC Annex. Its operationalization will be through contract conditions agreed to by the operator and the supplier.



Q9. Does Section 17 establish a mandatory statutory right of recourse?



Ans. Section 17 states that the operator shall have a right of recourse. While it provides a substantive right to the operator, it is not a mandatory but an enabling provision. In other words it permits but does not require an operator to include in the contract or exercise a right of recourse. However, even though there is no mandatory legal requirement under the CLND Act to provide for a right of recourse in a contract, there may be policy reasons for having a risk sharing mechanism including a right of recourse. As a matter of policy, NPCIL, which is a public sector undertaking, would insist that the nuclear supply contracts contain provisions that provide for a right of recourse consistent with Rule 24 of CLND Rules of 2011. Article 10 of the CSC Annex does not specify what position either the operator or the supplier can take in contract negotiations. In this regard, the India Nuclear Insurance Pool has been instituted to facilitate negotiations between the operator and the supplier concerning a right of recourse by providing a source of funds through a market based mechanism to compensate third parties for nuclear damage. It would enable the suppliers to seek insurance to cover the risk of invocation of recourse against them.



Q10. Who is the ‘supplier’? Is the supplier always a foreign company?



Ans. Rule 24 of the CLND Rules explains that ‘supplier’ shall include a person who:



(i) manufactures and supplies, either directly or through an agent, a system, equipment or component or builds a structure on the basis of functional specification; or

(ii) provides build to print or detailed design specifications to a vendor for manufacturing a system, equipment or component or building a structure and is responsible to the operator for design and quality assurance; or

(iii) provides quality assurance or design services.



The supplier may not always be a foreign company; there may be domestic suppliers who fulfill the above criteria and in some cases the operator (NPCIL) itself may be a supplier as it provides build to print or detailed design specifications to a vendor.



Q11. Does Section 46 permit claims for compensation for nuclear damage to be brought under statutes other than the CLND Act?



Ans. Concerns over the broad scope of Section 46 have been raised by suppliers, both domestic and foreign. Section 46 of the CLND Act provides that "the provisions of this Act shall be in addition to, and not in derogation of, any other law for the time being in force, and nothing contained herein shall exempt the operator from any proceeding which might, apart from this act, be instituted against such operator”. The language in section 46 of CLND Act 2010 is similar to such language in several other legislations such as Telecom Regulatory Authority Act, Electricity Act, Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) Act, Insurance Commission Act. Such language is provided routinely to underline that other relevant laws continue to be operable in their respective domains.



Q12. Does Section 46 extend to suppliers in violation of the CSC?



Ans. No. The CLND Act channels all legal liability for nuclear damage exclusively to the operator and Section 46 does not provide a basis for bringing claims for compensation for nuclear damage under other Acts. That this section applies exclusively to the operator and does not extend to the supplier is confirmed by the Parliamentary debates at the time of the adoption of this Act. It may be noted that the CLND Bill was adopted by a vote. During the course of the vote on various clauses of the Bill, in the Rajya Sabha two amendments were moved for clause 46 that finally became Section 46 of the CLND Act that inter-alia sought to include suppliers in this provision. Both those amendments were negatived. A provision that was expressly excluded from the statute cannot be read into the statute by interpretation. It is well-settled principle of law that every statute is to be interpreted in accordance with the intention of the legislature or maker of the Statute (M/s. Turtuf Safety Glass Industries V Commissioner of Sales Tax U.P., 2007 (9) SCALE 610, and State of Kerala & Anr V P.V. Neelakandan Nair & Ors, 2005 (5) SCALE 424).



Q13. Does Section 46 allow victims to go to foreign courts against the operator or the supplier?



Ans. Section 46 exclusively covers the remedies that are available against the operator. It does not exempt the operator from any other proceedings instituted against him, apart from this Act, nor derogates from any other law in force in India. The provision "in addition to and not in derogation of” has to be given its normal plain meaning. Section 46 does not affect the applicability of other laws. Therefore it does not exempt the operator from application of other laws covering matters other than the civil liability for nuclear damage. At the same time it does not create the grounds for victims to move foreign courts. In fact that would be against the basic intent of the law to provide a domestic legal framework for victims of nuclear damage to seek compensation. The fact that a specific amendment to introduce the jurisdiction of foreign courts was negatived during the adoption of the CLND Bill buttresses this interpretation.



Q14. How will the proposed insurance pool operate for operators and suppliers?



Ans. The India Nuclear Insurance Pool is a risk transfer mechanism formed by GIC Re and 4 other PSUs who will together contribute a capacity of Rs 750 crores out of a total of Rs 1500 crores. The balance capacity will be contributed by the Government on a tapering basis. The pool will cover the risks of the liability of the nuclear operator under Section 6(2) of the CLND Act and of the suppliers under Section 17 of the Act. The Pool envisages three types of policies, including a special suppliers’ contingency policy for suppliers other than turn key suppliers. Operators and suppliers instead of seeing each other as litigating adversaries will see each other as partners managing a risk together. This is as important for Indian suppliers as it is for US or other suppliers. An international workshop will be held in India to exchange information on international experience with the 26 insurance pools operating around the world in countries such as France, Russia, South Africa and the U.S.




Q15. What are the kind of insurance policies and premiums envisaged under the Pool?



Ans. The Pool covers risks pertaining to the liability of the nuclear operator under Section 6(2) of the CLND Act as well as the liability of the suppliers under Section 17. Three types of policies are envisaged: a Tier 1 policy for operators; a Tier 2 policy for turn key suppliers and a Tier 3 policy for suppliers other than turn key suppliers. The pricing of premiums will depend on factors such as risk probability, possible severity of damage and exposure to people and property around nuclear installations. GIC Re, the Pool Administrator, is engaged with NPCIL and others to work out the premiums based on risk appraisal. To assist this exercise, a Probabilistic Safety Assessment based study has been carried out by DAE. The scheme is scientific, market based, and benchmarked to international best practices innovated to suit the Indian circumstances.



Q16. Wouldn’t this burden the taxpayer and raise costs of nuclear power?



Ans. It should be understood that there is no extra burden on the taxpayer or the Government. The CLND Act already requires NPCIL (Operator) to maintain a financial security to cover its maximum liability for civil nuclear damage (Rs 1500 crores). Currently, NPCIL takes out a bank guarantee for this amount against which it pays an annual fee. With the India Nuclear Insurance Pool (INIP), a market based international best practice will be followed. The NPCIL will take out insurance under the Pool for the same amount and just as it pays an annual fee now it will pay an annual insurance premium to the Pool. The Government will indeed make available Rs 750 crores to the Insurance Pool for the first few years till the insurance companies are able to maintain it on their own. However, the Government will earn a proportionate share of the premium on this sum, which will be utilized only in case of a nuclear accident. The impact on the cost of power plants of the premium payments by operator and suppliers is expected to be minimal. The international experience of 26 insurance pools is that the operators pay only a very small fraction of the total cost of the plants.



Q17. How much compensation is payable under the CLND Act?



Ans. Section 6(1) of the CLND Act presently prescribes that the maximum amount of liability in respect of each nuclear incident shall be the rupee equivalent of three hundred million Special Drawing Rights (SDRs). As the current value of 1 SDR is about Rs 87, three hundred million SDRs are equivalent to about Rs 2610 crores. Section 6(2) of the Act lays down that the operator’s maximum liability shall be Rs 1500 crore. In case the total liability exceeds Rs 1500 crores, as per Section 7 (1) (a) of the CLND Act, this gap of Rs 1110 crores will be bridged by the Central Government. Beyond Rs 2610 crores, India will be able to access international funds under the CSC once it is a party to that Convention.



Section 7 (2) of the CLND Act provides that the Central Government may establish a "Nuclear Liability Fund” by charging such amount of levy from the operators, in such manner, as may be prescribed. The constitution of a Nuclear Liability Fund has been under consideration for some time. Such a Fund is proposed to be built up over 10 years by levying a small charge on the operators based on the power generated from existing and new nuclear plants. This is not expected to affect the consumer’s interests.



Q18. Could operators and suppliers be asked to pay more compensation in the future on existing contracts than currently provided under the law?



Ans. As regards the question of possible enhancement of the amount of compensation in the Act in future and its effect on recourse against suppliers with respect to existing contracts, there is well established jurisprudence that a change in law cannot alter the terms of an existing contract made under the then extant law. A retrospective law which affects the substantive vested rights of a Party under a contract would not be sustainable in a court of law. In M/s Purbanchal Cables & Conductors Pvt. Ltd. V Assam State Electricity Boards & Another, [2012] 6 S.C.R. 905, the Supreme Court held that though the legislature can make laws with retrospective effect, the test is that it should not take away vested rights or impose new burdens or impair existing obligations.



Q19. What are the next steps?



Ans. It will be now up to the companies to follow up with their own negotiations and come up with viable techno-commercial offers and contracts consistent with our law and our practice so that reactors built with international collaboration can start contributing to strengthening India’s energy security and India’s clean energy options.



Frequently Asked Questions and Answers on Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act 2010 and related issues





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Sunday 8 February 2015

Indian scientists convert coconut into biofuel with impressive mileage

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Kochi: In a joint experiment, scientist and engineers from SCMS Institute of Bioscience and Biotechnology Research and Development and SCMS School of Engineering have successfully transformed coconut oil into an effective biofuel which can be used to drive vehicles.



The group of scientists in their experiment on a four stroke diesel engine of TATA ACE mini truck has found that the biofuel gives a mileage of 22.5 kilometer per liter(kmpl) whereas it provided 16 kmpl when it ran on diesel



Scientists who have been running the four-stroke diesel engine of a light pick-up truck on coconut oil for the past one year have approached the union government to commercialize the biofuel.



“We purchased this brand new vehicle a year back. By now, it has done 20,000 km and has proved beyond doubt that coconut oil can replace diesel,” said C. Mohankumar, who heads the team of six scientists.



He further said that they have already applied for US patent and have also approached the Central government for making commercial use of this biofuel a reality. The emission of harmful gases from this biofuel is much lower compared to diesel. Explaining the process, Mohankumar said760 litres of biofuel can be produced from the oil of 10,000 coconuts.



"There are also five other by-products. This includes 5,000 kg of husk, 2,500 kg of coconut shells, 1,250 litres of coconut water, around 1,200 kg of cake (that can be used as cattle feed) and 70 litres of glycerol,” said Kumar. "Each of these products has a market value and that's how we are able to commercially supply this biodfuel at Rs.40 a litre," added Kumar.



"We have conducted numerous tests on this coconut biofuel that are for anyone to see. It shows that all the parameters are much lower than other biodiesel products," he further added. The study was published in the December 2014 issue of the journal 'Fuel'.



Indian scientists running vehicles with coconut oil, impressive mileage of 22.5km





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Friday 6 February 2015

Wrong to say DRDO took long to deliver, says father of BrahMos

Wrong to say DRDO took long to deliver, says father of BrahMos - The Times of India



CHANDIGARH: The impression that Defence Research & Development Organisation (DRDO) has failed to deliver or delayed major defence technology projects is not correct, says former CEO of BrahMos Aerospace A Sivathanu Pillai. Distinguished scientist Pillai, who retired from the post of chief controller R&D, DRDO in July last year, however, plainly refused to answer whether he thought the sacking of DRDO chief Avinash Chander was wrong.



Considered father of BrahMos supersonic cruise missile, Pillai defended DRDO, saying that since there was no real technology transfer to India and the organization had to do everything from scratch, it would be wrong to say that it took too long to deliver. On the other hand, Pillai supported PM Narendra Modi-led government's ideas regarding FDI in defence manufacturing and even restructuring the DRDO.



"There are four major main milestones of DRDO: indigenous naval technologies, sonar system, radars and missile technology. However, DRDO is required to work on everything from cyber warfare to survival support technology. We have taken as much time as other countries," Pillai said.



Pillai was talking to TOI on the sidelines of inauguration of the Centre for Strategy, Sustainability and Society, set up by LM Thapar School of Management in Dera Bassi. The Padma Bhushan recipient also refused to answer questions about controversy over his extension at DRDO when then Union defence minister A K Anthony had to intervene to ensure he would continue at his post. He was superseded by Vijay Saraswat, chief controller (missiles & strategic systems), two years his junior, to the top post of DRDO. Chander followed Saraswat to become the director general of DRDO and was co-chairman of BrahMos Aerospace during the time when Pillai was CEO and MD of the Indo-Russia JV





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Thursday 5 February 2015

Karnataka only state to offer NCC quota in UG courses

BENGALURU: Home to India's Silicon Valley, Karnataka holds another distinction. It's the only state in the country which provides quota to National Cadet Corps' (NCC) candidates in undergraduate professional courses, including engineering and medicine. The Director General (DG) of NCC has now advised other states to emulate Karnataka.



The DG, who's based in Delhi, approached the Karnataka and Goa NCC Directorate to study the system practised here. Every year, the Karnataka Examination Authority (KEA) reserves around 150 seats for NCC cadets. However, not all are eligible for the quota. Only those who have participated in the Republic Day camp conducted by the NCC DG and received a 'B' certificate while studying in Karnataka (between class 11 and first-year degree), meet the criteria.



The higher education department has been providing a great opportunity to NCC cadets from rural areas and all sections of society, said Col MG Venkatesh, director, Karnataka and Goa NCC Directorate. "The DG has told us how to introduce the system in other states. The process is under way," he said. Without revealing names, the officer said, "We have advised other states to implement Karnataka's model and two of them have come forward".



At present, there are 15 lakh NCC cadets in the country, of which around 75,000 are in Karnataka and Goa. Col. Venkatesh said many youngsters from rural areas are not aware of the opportunities available to their urban counterparts. "NCC will try to create awareness among students in villages. We're planning to open a unit in Koppal district,'' he said.



A KEA official said the number of seats reserved for NCC cadets varies every year. It depends on the seat matrix and often seats in some courses remain vacant.



Who can join NCC



Students who are aged 13 and above can join NCC. Class 8 students have to complete a two-year course to get the 'A' certificate. To obtain 'B' certificate, a student has to pursue a three-year NCC course (between class 11 and first-year degree).



Karnataka only state to offer NCC quota in UG courses - The Times of India



:thumb::thumb:



Every state government should encourage students to join NCC & quota should be increased accordingly.





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Wednesday 4 February 2015

DRDO makes progress on new missile testing facility

DRDO makes progress on new missile testing facility



The Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) has received approval from the federal environment ministry to convert 155 hectares of mangrove forest in Machilipatnam, Andhra Pradesh, into a missile launch testing facility.



Final clearance for the facility now awaits supreme court approval as the proposed site is within a wildlife sanctuary.



The petroleum ministry granted clearance for the project in 2012 after being persuaded that it would not affect plans to prospect for oil and gas in the Krishna river delta. The DRDO originally planned to start construction of the INR10 billion (USD179 million) facility in 2013.



The proposed site will supplement India's two existing missile ranges at Chandipur and Wheeler Island and is intended to facilitate trials of the under-development ballistic missile defence shield from 2016.

DRDO makes progress on new missile testing facility - IHS Jane's 360





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Tuesday 3 February 2015

US nod to export Predator to India

In a development that will reinforce India-US relations and herald a strategic partnership, Washington is understood to have given clearance for export of ‘Predator XP’ version unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) to India.

Manufactured by San Diego-based General Atomics Aeronautical Systems, ‘Predator XP’ UAV could be possibly used for multiple purposes, including patrolling of the Pakistan and China borders touching India and reconnaissance of red terror areas. The home ministry is also keen on acquiring this sophisticated technology.

Highly placed sources told FE that the licence to export to India was cleared by the US administration in October 2014 itself, much before the visit of US President Barack Obama. The permission to allow exports to India of advanced US military UAVs which fall under the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) Category I export control restrictions has been termed as significant and a big step towards forging a strategic partnership between the two nations.

Though the sources refrained from sharing pricing details of the UAV, it is estimated that a 10-vehicle Predator system, with ground stations and software, would cost around $400 million. A single Predator vehicle would cost between $4 million and $15 million depending on surveillance equipment and weapons.

In fact, General Atomics is seen as the pioneer of this sophisticated but deadly drone technology and could be indicative of a larger role the company wants to play in India and the Asia Pacific region. The company, which made its India debut in the defence expo held last year for the first time, is expected to participate at Aero-India 2015 to be held in Bangalore from February 18.

The Obama administration has been making efforts to relax strictures on selling less-sensitive military hardware to foreign countries, and in an effort to avoid losing a share in the rapidly expanding foreign unmanned aerial vehicle market. However, there is a growing trend where US companies are being proactive and trying to develop export versions of UAVs that are saleable. General Atomics did just that with its Predator XP, an unarmed version of the medium-altitude, long-endurance UAV flown by the US military.

There are already 4,000 different unmanned aircraft platforms in circulation in the global market, most built by US manufacturers, according to an IHS Industry Research and Analysis report.

Because of the extended range and carrying capacity of high-end UAVs like Global Hawks and Predators, they fall under a stringent set of controls that govern the international sale of cruise missiles. The MTCR requires exporters of systems that can fly farther than 300 km and carry more than 500 kg be licensed by both the state and commerce departments.

The Predator model on offer to countries including India is a stripped down version of MQ-1 armed drones the US military uses in Afghanistan and Pakistan as well as in Iraq. But they are without the capability to carry missiles.



http://bit.ly/1zyI6Wt





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Monday 2 February 2015

Discussion of CAG reports on armed forces

i am starting this thread to Discuss CAG reports on Armed Forces



why ?



because CAG reports are published by auditing armed forces own documents and are based on hard facts and not on reporters / newpapers / blogs/defensece experets opinions / articles



they provide a true picture



@Kunal Biswas sir pl make this a pinned thread - a request





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Saturday 31 January 2015

Quadrilateral security dialogue- Resurrected!!

Quadrilateral security dialogue- Resurrected!!





Somewhere in 2006-2007 Abe, the Japanese Prime minister came up with the idea of Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD) between Asia’s maritime democracies Australia, India, Japan, and the United States.

QSD was endorsed by likes of Dick Cheney (the US vice president then) and QSD got huge support from US.

Soon all this culminated in one of the biggest joint military exercises in the Bay of Bengal in which all the 4 countries participated.



Meanwhile, the very observant China raised a protest and went on to call QSD a mini NATO and its concerns were justified. China perceived QSD as a Gang of Four against Beijing’s interests in the region.

Soon after this Australian Prime Minister Rudd pulled Australia out of QSD because it could not afford to hurt its relations with China, QSD was an obstacle in the deepening economic relations between the two. Rudd's departure from QSD earned him the ire of US, the director of national security council (US) accused Australia of trying to please China.[r]

India also knew the perils of putting China offside,the UPA government in India (then) did not have the courage to rise against China as this would not 've happened for gratis or free. China was the only country in the region capable of injecting tens of billions of dollars for a much needed modernization of India.



And then QSD was almost forgotten for sometime.

QSD got resurrected with Obama's recent visit to India.China was definitely a topic during the 45 minutes long "Chai pe charcha" between Modi and Obama. After the meeting India decided to flex its pecs and during the joint statement both the countries declared having a “strategic vision for the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean region".



IMF's recent predictions that India would grow at 6.5 percent in 2016 (which would be more than its himalayan neighbor), must have been an impetus behind India's recent stance [r].This clearly shows Modi doesnt want to return to the bargaining table with China.

While Australia on its part has shown its willingness to get back to QSD, Australian foreign policy tilts towards a closer relationship with the United States and a distancing from China.

In America prominent politicians from both Democratic and Republican parties have voiced support for a more aggressive diplomacy in Asia, QSD would help in achieving it.



If the QSD in 2007 was founded on the hypothesis of a revisionist China, then 2014 is replete with supporting evidence. If the four democracies 're successful in resurrecting QSD then its bad news for China.




Malabar 07 2 exercise

Naval ships from India, Australia, Japan, Singapore, and the United States steam in formation in the Bay of Bengal during Exercise Malabar 07-2 on Sept. 5. The formation included USS Kitty Hawk, USS Nimitz, INS Viraat, JS Yuudachi, JS Ohnami, RSS Formidable, HMAS Adelaide, INS Ranvijay, INS Brahmaputra, INS Ranjit, USS Chicago and USS Higgins. U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist Seaman Stephen W. Rowe





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Make in India must help reduce import dependence in defence sector

Make in India must help reduce import dependence of defence manufacturing sector





By Santosh Mehrotra

India is the largest importer of defence equipment in the world. It imports 70% of its weapons and technology, and this has its own costs, the kickbacks and corruption being only one of them. Between 2004-08 and 2009-13, India’s share of international arms imports increased from 7% to 14%. Russia was the largest supplier (75.7%) of India’s defence imports, the US a distant second (6.8%).



This import dependence needs to change with a focus on ‘Make in India’, so that India makes at least 50% of its defence equipment in less than a decade. It will save foreign exchange, build technological capacity for civilian manufacturing and grow new skills. If we export defence equipment, it can generate forex. Just as India’s space missions and nuclear R&D have dual civil-military use, so does defence manufacturing.



India has purchased weapons worth around $10 billion over the last five years from the US, but without any transfer-of-technology (ToT) clauses. Future acquisitions should include ToT clause. The aim should be to make India a design, development, manufacturing and export hub for defence equipment, just as China succeeded in doing so between 2000 and 2010. Experts report that China was at the stage India is in now in the late 1990s, a situation it transformed within a decade.

The Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI) signed on January 22, an earlier agreement with India the US extended during the Obama visit, is to pursue co-development and co-production in four projects (two involving US government and two with US companies) to advance the DTTI. They will explore aircraft carrier technology-sharing and design, and possible cooperation on development of jet engine technology.



For some 50 years after Independence, no private sector participated in the manufacture of Indian-made defence equipment. Indian defence production was confined to Defence Public Sector Units (DPSUs) till 2001. Decades of defence ties with the Soviet Union/Russia did not result in an Indian domestic defence industry. However, like the emergence of an automobile industry in India in the last two decades, this can be changed through growing private sector participation.



But the defence industry, unlike the automobile sector, operates in a monopsonist (single demand) market with government as the only buyer, leading to greater business unpredictability for private players in defence, both foreign and domestic. India needs to encourage exports to reduce this unpredictability. With the added constraint of an FDI cap of 26% till now (raised to 49%), India received only $5 million in defence FDI over the past decade.



In 2013, the US offered 10 joint production projects to India, including a maritime helicopter, a naval gun, a surface-to-air missile system, a scatterable anti-tank system and a mindset change in favour of TOT to India in defence. New Delhi had decided recently on a defence equipment policy regime. Indigenous content, eg. 30%, is to be achieved on an overall cost basis, as well as in core components i.e. the basic equipment, manufacturer’s recommended spares, special tools and test equipment taken together.



Not surprisingly, large Indian companies (Tata, Mahindra, and Larsen & Toubro), have entered into joint ventures with leading foreign defence companies. Thirty licensed private companies commenced commercial production and about 23 joint ventures, involving public and private companies, had been established till 2012.



For Make in India in defence, FDI will be needed for heavy capital and technology requirements, to build global supply chains involving multiple vendors in India, to rapidly implement projects to avoid obsolescence. We will have to wait to see if the operationalisation of the DTII yields results, now that the US has agreed also to an Advance Pricing Agreement (APA). Washington backing the APAs could well reduce a potential tax-related hurdle in securing US investment generally, including in defence.



But above all, to become a major defence manufacturer, India needs to reexamine its structure of governing defence production, as the Chinese did in 2000. Earlier, the Chinese defence industry was separated, Soviet-style, between R&D and manufacturing units.



The Chinese leadership allowed the military a central role in overseeing the defence industry. With end-users involved, the result was a surge in innovation. In 1998, the Chinese defence industry filed for 313 patents; in 2010, 15,000.

India’s defence industry today mirrors its Chinese counterpart in 1998. The R&D element (the DRDO) functions separately from the manufacturing segment (the defence PSUs). That has to change.

(The writer is Professor of Economics, JNU)



Economic Times | Blogs





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Canister launch of Agni 5 missile successful

Today a canister based launch of agni 5 missile test fired from wheeler islands was successful.Agni 5 could deliver a nuclear payload.This was the 3rd launch of agni 5 but first from a canister system.This gives our armed forces flexibility to operate it from anywhere on a mobile launch vehicle..Agni 5 is a first proper ICBM indigeniously made by the DRDO and BDL jointly.The range of agni 5 is over 5000km which gives ability to strike in any part of china and eastern part of europe. Agni 5 could carry a payload of 50 tonnes.





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Canister launch of agni 5 missile sucessful

Today a canister based launch of agni 5 missile test fired from wheeler islands was successful.Agni 5 could deliver a nuclear payload.This was the 3rd launch of agni 5 but first from a canister system.This gives our armed forces flexibility to operate it from anywhere on a mobile launch vehicle..Agni 5 is a first proper ICBM indigeniously made by the DRDO and BDL jointly.The range of agni 5 is over 5000km which gives ability to strike in any part of china and eastern part of europe. Agni 5 could carry a payload of 50 tonnes.





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Thursday 29 January 2015

Indra selected for Ecuadorian radar requirement

Wrong topic ..

Please delete thread





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Obama in India: Good visit? Or very good visit?

Obama in India: Good visit? Or very good visit? - The Economic Times



By Indrani Bagchi, TNN | 29 Jan, 2015, 12.30PM IST






Quote:




When Modi surprised Obama with his invitation to be chief guest of Republic Day he sent out a set of clear messages: he wanted to place the India-US relationship on the 'salaami manch' of a familiar parade; he wanted the US to be deeply involved as he struggles to pull India out of the economic suds; most important, he saw India's 'Act East' giving new energy to US 'rebalance' that, if played right, has the potential to propel India's global power ambitions......




Quote:




......We cannot therefore overstate the importance of the US offer to help build a new aircraft carrier. In September, India had already stitched up another agreement for the US to cooperate in building new naval vessels with technology and avionics - India is in the process of building over 40 ships.......








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Wednesday 28 January 2015

is instability reaching the so called critical part of middle east??

There have been reports of violent protest in Bahrain again.As being a monarch country it is a indication that the violence in pretty big because small incidents are well managed by censorship and state brutality.



this phase of violence erupted in late 2014 with the arrest of a popular shiite leader by a majority sunni monarch.Bahrain has been in a violent turmoil since 2011.

the violence has been errupting time after time in these 4 years(2011-2015).the state has shown no restraint from using force and the night raid on feb 17 2011 was called bloody thursday because of immense use of force by police.

bahrain is one of the critical member of UAE.so if the situation in bahrain goes bad it will be a nightmare for this region.And could become a open shia-sunni fight like iraq which will involve big player like saudi arabia and iran.





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Why America's blessing will be vital in reclaiming PoK

Right now, the thing which makes America more paranoid and insecure than anything is China.



PoK is right now part of a grand scheme which will effectively give china "two coastlines" and will form part of its most vital energy corridor.



America and India have seen eye-to-eye on several issues so far, but there are even more which could be endorsed.



America is also wary of the fact that China bordering Pakistan via PoK is a great strategic benefit to China.



Not to mention that us holding PoK would allow us to border A'stan - something which US wants a lot for its efforts there, as we are more reliable than Pak



If we control PoK, we have China's IOR maritime energy by the balls - what more could the US ask for?





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Finland and Sweden to strengthen ties with NATO.

finland and sweden the two nordic countries have denied any speculations of joing nato,and have said that they are active partner of nato and not a member.

the majority of population of two countries have opposed joining the alliance of nato.Finland and Sweden have stayed neutral during the cold war.however they have shown interest in the alliance by signing an agreement to jointly have millitary exercises after the fall of soviet empire in 1990"s. both the countries do not want to ruin the stability of region by joining nato,especially finland which has 1200km border with russia and fear a direct action from moscow.





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